March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom

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The March in Washington for Jobs and Freedom , March in Washington , or The Great March on Washington , was held in Washington, DC on Wednesday, 28 August 1963. The aim of this parade is to advocate for the civil and economic rights of African Americans. At the parade, Martin Luther King Jr., stood in front of the Lincoln Memorial, delivering his historic "I Have a Dream" speech in which he called for an end to racism.

The parade was organized by A. Philip Randolph and Bayard Rustin, who built alliances of civil rights, labor and religious organizations that came together under the banner of "work and freedom." Estimated number of participants varies from 200,000 to 300,000; the most widely cited estimates are 250,000 people. Observers estimate that 75-80% of the demonstrators are black. The parade is one of the largest political rallies for human rights in the history of the United States.

The rally was credited with helping to pass the Civil Rights Act in 1964 and preceded the Selma Select Rights Movement which led to the ratification of the Right to Act of 1965.

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Although African Americans have been freed legally from slavery, raised to citizen status and people who were given full voting at the end of the American Civil War, many continue to face social, economic and political repression for many years and enter the 1960s -an.. In the early 1960s, the system of legal discrimination, known as Jim Crow's law, seeped in South America, ensuring that American blacks remained oppressed. They also experience discrimination from business and government, and in some places are prevented from voting through intimidation and violence. Twenty-one countries prohibit inter-racial marriages.

The impetus for the march in Washington evolved over a long period of time, and previous attempts to organize such demonstrations included the March on Washington Movement of the 1940s. A. Philip Randolph - president of the Brotherhood Sleeping Car Porters, president of the Negro American Labor Council, and vice-president of AFL-CIO - was a key instigator in 1941. With Bayard Rustin, Randolph called on 100,000 blacks. workers to march in Washington, in protest at discrimination by US military contractors and demand an Executive Order. Faced with a mass rally scheduled for July 1, 1941, President Franklin D. Roosevelt issued Executive Order 8802 on 25 June. The order established the Committee on Fair Employment Practices and prohibited discriminatory recruitment in the defense industry. Randolph canceled in March.

Randolph and Rustin continue to organize the idea of â€‹â€‹a mass rally in Washington. They envisioned several major rallies during the 1940s, but all were canceled (despite criticism from Rustin). Their Pilgrimage Prayer for Freedom, held at the Lincoln Memorial on May 17, 1957, featured key leaders including Adam Clayton Powell, Martin Luther King Jr., and Roy Wilkins. Mahalia Jackson appeared.

The 1963 march was an important part of the rapidly growing Civil Rights Movement, which involved demonstrations and non-violent direct action across the United States. 1963 also marks the 100th anniversary of the signing of the Emancipation Proclamation by Abraham Lincoln. Members of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference put aside their differences and come together for the parade. Many whites and blacks also come together in the urgency for change in this country.

Violent confrontation broke out in the South: in Cambridge, Maryland; Pine Bluff, Arkansas; Goldsboro, North Carolina; Somerville, Tennessee; Saint Augustine, Florida; and in Mississippi. Most of these incidents involved white people who took revenge against nonviolent demonstrators. Many people want to march in Washington, but disagree about how the parade should be done. Some called for the total cessation of the city through civil disobedience. Others argue that the movement must remain nationwide, rather than concentrate its energies on the nation's capital. There is a widespread perception that the Kennedy government did not fulfill its promises in the 1960 elections, and the King described the policy of the Kennedy race as "tokenism".

On May 24, 1963, Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy invited African-American novelist James Baldwin, along with a large group of cultural leaders, to a meeting in New York to discuss race relations. However, the meeting became antagonistic, as the black delegates felt that Kennedy did not have full understanding of the race problem in the country. The public failure of the meeting, which came to be known as the Baldwin-Kennedy meeting, underscores the difference between Black American needs and the understanding of Washington politicians. However, the meeting also provoked the Kennedy government to take action on civil rights for African-Americans. On June 11, 1963, President John F. Kennedy gave his famous civil rights speech on national television and radio, announcing that he would begin to push for civil rights law - a law that eventually became the 1964 Civil Rights Act. The Mississippi activist, Medgar Evers, was killed in his own driveway, further increasing national tensions surrounding the issue of racial inequality.

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Planning and organization

A. Philip Randolph and Bayard Rustin began planning the parade in December 1961. They envisioned two days of protest, including sit-down and lobbying followed by a rally at the Lincoln Memorial. They want to focus on unemployment and to call for a public works program that will employ blacks. In early 1963, they called the public for "massive March in Washington for work". They received help from members of Amalgamated clothing union Stanley Aronowitz, who garnered support from a credible radical organizer not to report their plans to the Kennedy government. Trade unions offer tentative support for parades that will be focused on the job.

On May 15, 1963, without securing NAACP or Urban League cooperation, Randolph announced "October Emancipation March on Washington for Jobs". He reaches out to union leaders, winning Walter Reuther's support from the UAW, but not AFL-CIO president George Meany. Randolph and Rustin aim to focus on economic inequality, which states in their original plan that "integration in education, housing, transportation and public accommodation will be limited and duration as long as fundamental economic inequalities along racial lines remain." When they negotiate with leaders others, they expanded their stated goals to "Work and Freedom" to recognize a group agenda that focuses more on civil rights.

In June 1963, leaders from several different organizations formed the United Nations Civil Rights Leadership Council, an umbrella group that would coordinate funds and messages. This coalition of leaders, later to be known as the "Big Six", included: Randolph who was elected as the titular leader of the march, James Farmer, president of the Congress of Racial Equality; John Lewis, chairman of the Non-Violence Student Coordinating Committee; Martin Luther King Jr., president of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference; Roy Wilkins, president of the NAACP; and Whitney Young, president of the National Urban League. King in particular became famous for his role in the Birmingham campaign and for his letter from Birmingham Jail. Wilkins and Young initially objected to Rustin as the leader for the march, because he was a homosexual, former Communist, and a draft resistor. They eventually accepted Rustin as the organizer's representative, provided that Randolph acted as the lead organizer and managed any political downfall.

About two months before the march, Big Six expanded their organizing coalition with four white men backing their efforts: Walter Reuther, president of the Automotive Workers Union; Eugene Carson Blake, former chair of the National Church Council; Mathew Ahmann, executive director of the National Catholic Conference for Interracial Justice; and Joachim Prinz, president of the American Jewish Congress. Together, the Big Six plus four are known as the "Big Ten." John Lewis later recalled, "Somehow, somehow, we worked well together, the five of us, plus four, we became like brothers."

On June 22, the committee met with President Kennedy, who warned against creating "an atmosphere of intimidation" by bringing a large crowd to Washington. Civil rights activists insist on holding parades. Wilkins encouraged organizers to override civil disobedience and described this proposal as "a perfect compromise". King and Young agree. Leaders from INTI and SNCC, seeking to take direct action against the Justice Department, endorsed the protests before they were told that civil disobedience would not be allowed. The final plan for March was announced at a press conference on July 2. President Kennedy spoke well in March on July 17, saying that the organizers are planning a peaceful assembly and have been working with Washington, D.C., the police.

Mobilization and logistics are administered by Rustin, a civil rights veteran and organizer of the 1947 Trip Reconciliation, the first of the Freedom Rides to test the Supreme Court ruling that prohibits racial discrimination on an interstate journey. Rustin is an old colleague of Randolph and Dr. King. With Randolph concentrating on building a political coalition of parades, Rustin built and led a team of two hundred activists and organizers who publicized the march and recruited protesters, coordinated buses and trains, provided marshals, and arranged and organized all the logistics details of the mass rally in the nation's capital. During the days leading up to the parade, these 200 volunteers used the ballroom of Washington DC WUST radio station as their base of operations.

The parade is not universally supported among civil rights activists. Some, including Rustin (who collected 4,000 marshal volunteers from New York), feared that it might turn violent, which could undermine pending legislation and damage the international image of the movement. The march was condemned by Malcolm X, a spokesman for the Nation of Islam, who called it a "joke in Washington".

The organizers of March themselves disagreed over the aims of the parade. The NAACP and Urban League see it as a gesture of support for the civil rights bill introduced by the Kennedy Administration. Randolph, King, and Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) see it as a way of increasing civil rights and economic issues into national concerns beyond the Kennedy bill. The Student Nonviolence Coordination Committee (SNCC) and the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) see it as a way to challenge and condemn the inactivity of the Kennedy government and the lack of support for civil rights for African Americans.

Regardless of their disagreements, the group gathered in a set of goals:

Part of meaningful civil rights legislation;
immediate elimination of school segregation;
Public works programs, including job training, for the unemployed;
Federal law prohibits discrimination in public or private recruitment;
Minimum $ 2-hours per day nationwide (equivalent to $ 16 in 2017);
Federal funding cuts from programs that tolerate discrimination;
Enforcement of the 14th Amendment of the Constitution by reducing the congressional representation of States that deprive citizens of their rights;
The expanded Fair Employment Standard Law for the current work area is excluded,
Authority for the Attorney General to institutionalize lawsuits when constitutional rights are violated.

Although in previous years, Randolph had supported the "Negro only" march, in part to reduce the impression that the civil rights movement was dominated by white communists, the organizers agreed in 1963 that whites and blacks marched side by side would create an image which is stronger.

The Kennedy Administration is working with the organizers to plan for March, and one member of the Justice Department is assigned as a permanent liaison. Chicago and New York City (as well as several companies) agreed to set August 28 as "Freedom Day" and give workers time off.

To avoid being perceived as radical, organizers rejected the support of Communist groups. However, some politicians claim that March is communist-inspired, and the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) produces many reports that show the same thing. In the days before August 28, the FBI called celebrity supporters to inform them of the communist connections of the organizers and advised them to withdraw their support. When William C. Sullivan made a long report on August 23 showing that the Communists failed to infiltrate the civil rights movement, FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover rejected the contents. Strom Thurmond launched a prominent public offensive in March as Communist, and chose Rustin in particular as a Communist and a gay man.

The organizers work out the building on West 130th St. and Lenox in Harlem. They promote the parade by selling buttons, displaying two trembling hands, the words "March in Washington for Work and Freedom", union bugs, and August 28, 1963. On August 2, they have distributed 42,000 buttons. Their goal is a crowd of at least 100,000 people.

When parades are being planned, activists across the country receive bomb threats in their homes and in their offices. The Los Angeles Times received a message saying that its base would be bombed unless it printed a message calling the president "Nigger Lover". Five planes were earmarked on the morning of August 28th due to bomb threats. A man in Kansas City called the FBI to say he was going to put a hole between King's eyes; The FBI did not respond. Roy Wilkins was threatened with murder if he did not leave the country.

The March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom (article) | Khan Academy

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Convergence

Thousands of people traveled by road, rail, and air to Washington DC on Wednesday, August 28. People from Boston travel overnight and arrive in Washington at 7 am after an eight-hour journey, but others take buses longer than places like Milwaukee, Little Rock, and St. Louis. Louis. Organizers persuaded the New York MTA to run an additional subway after midnight on August 28, and the New York City bus station was busy all night with the peak crowd. A total of 450 buses leave New York City from Harlem. The Maryland police reported that "at 8 am, 100 buses per hour flowed through the Baltimore Harbor Tunnel." The United Automobile Workers finance the bus transportation to its 5,000 members, providing the largest single contingent of any organization.

A reporter, Fred Powledge, accompanied African Americans who boarded six buses in Birmingham, Alabama, for a journey of 750 miles to Washington. The New York Times brought the report:

260 demonstrators, of all ages, carry picnic baskets, water jugs, bible and main weapons - their willingness to march, sing and pray in protest against discrimination. They gathered this morning [August 27] at Kelly Ingram Park, Birmingham, where state troops [four months earlier in May] used hoses and dogs to lay down their demonstrations. It was peaceful in Birmingham park as protesters waiting for the bus. The police, now part of a moderate urban power structure, directs traffic around the square and does not interfere with meetings... An elderly man commented on a 20-hour journey, which would have been less comfortable: "You forgot we Negroes have been on the bus all his life We do not have the money to fly on the plane. "

John Marshall Kilimanjaro, a demonstrator traveling from Greensboro, North Carolina, said:

Contrary to mythology, moments early March - arrived there - no picnic. People are afraid. We did not know what we were going to meet. There is no precedent. Sitting in front of me was a black preacher with a white collar. He is an AME preacher. We talked. Occasionally, people on the bus sing 'Oh Freedom' and 'We Shall Overcome', but for the most part there is not much singing. We quietly pray that no violence has occurred.

Other buses show racial tension, as black activists criticize the liberal white participants as friends who are friendly to the weather.

Hazel Mangle Rivers, who has paid $ 8 for his ticket - "a tenth of her husband's weekly salary" - was quoted on 29 August New York Times . The river states that he is impressed with Washington's courtesy: "People are much better here than they are in the South They treat you so much better Why, when I was out there in the white ranks stepped on my foot, and he said "Sorry," and I said, "Of course!" That was the first time that happened to me, I believe it was the first time that white people were really good to me. "

Some of the participants who arrived earlier held a night flame outside the Justice Department, claiming that they had targeted civil rights activists unfairly and that it was too soft on the white supremacy that attacked them.

Security setup

Washington, D.C., the police force was mobilized to full capacity for the march, including the reserve officers and firefighters represented. A total of 5,900 police officers are on duty. The government deployed 2,000 people from the National Guard, and took 3,000 outside troops to join 1,000 people who had been stationed in the area. These additional soldiers were flown by helicopter from bases in Virginia and North Carolina. The Pentagon is preparing 19,000 troops in the suburbs. All the troops involved are ready to implement a coordinated conflict strategy called "Operation Steep Hill".

For the first time since Larangan, the sale of liquor was banned in Washington D.C. The hospital piles blood plasma and cancel elective surgery. The Major League Baseball canceled two matches between Minnesota Twins and the last place of Senator Washington despite the venue, D.C. The stadium, almost four miles from the Lincoln Memorial rally location.

Rustin and Walter Fauntroy negotiated some security issues with the government, gaining consent to private marshals with the understanding that this would not be able to act against outside agitators. The FBI and the Department of Justice refused to provide preventive guards for buses traveling through the South to reach D.C. William Johnson recruited more than 1,000 police officers to serve these troops. Julius Hobson, an FBI informant who served in the security forces in March, told the team to look for an FBI intruder who might act as a provocateur agent. Jerry Bruno, the prelate of President Kennedy, is positioned to cut power to the public address system if there is a smoldering demonstration speech.

Place and sound system

The organizers were originally planned to hold a march outside the Capitol Building. However, Reuther persuaded them to move the parade to the Lincoln Memorial. He believes the Lincoln Memorial will be less threatening to Congress and the opportunity will be right under the gaze of Abraham Lincoln's law. The committee, especially Rustin, agrees to move the site on condition that Reuther pays for a $ 19,000 vote system so everyone at the National Mall can hear speakers and musicians.

Rustin pushed hard for an expensive sound system, maintaining "We can not keep order where people can not hear." This system was acquired and established at the Lincoln Memorial, but was sabotaged on the day before March. The operator can not fix it. Fauntroy contacted Attorney General Robert Kennedy and his civil rights liaison Burke Marshall, demanding that the government improve the system. Fauntroy reportedly told them: "We have several hundred thousand people coming in. Do you want to fight here tomorrow after everything we do?" The system was successfully rebuilt overnight by the US Army Signal Corps.

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March

The march commands national attention by preceding regularly scheduled television programs. When the first great ceremony ever began and was dominated by African-Americans, the march was also the first to have completely misunderstood. The dominant expectation comes from the fear of the father against fear. On Meet the Press, reporters baked Roy Wilkins and Martin Luther King about widespread forecasts that "it is impossible to bring more than 100,000 militants to Washington without incident and possibly riots." The Life Magazine stated that the capital suffered "the worst case of invasion aggression since the First Battle of Bull Run." The Pentagon set up 19,000 troops in the suburbs and prisons transferred inmates to other prisons to make room for those arrested in mass arrests; city â€‹â€‹banned all sales of alcoholic beverages; hospitals make room for riot victims by delaying elective operations. With nearly 1,700 additional correspondents complementing the Washington press corps, the parade attracted a larger media assembly from the inauguration of Kennedy two years earlier. Students from the University of California come together as a black power organization and emphasize the importance of African-American independence struggle. The march included black political parties and William Elite who was one of the many who led the students during the era of the struggle for independence.

On August 28, more than 2,000 buses, 21 rental trains, 10 chartered planes, and countless cars gathered in Washington. All regularly scheduled planes, trains and buses are also fully charged.

Although Randolph and Rustin originally planned to meet the streets of Washington, D.C., the last route in March only covered half of the National Mall. The march begins at the Washington Monument and is scheduled to continue to the Lincoln Memorial with music programs and speakers. Demonstrators were met at the monument by speakers and musicians. Women leaders were asked to march on Independence Avenue, while male leaders marched on Pennsylvania Avenue with the media.

The parade failed to start on time because its leaders met with members of Congress. To surprise the leaders, the group gathered to begin marching from the Washington Monument to the Lincoln Memorial without them. The leaders met in March on Constitution Avenue, where they connected guns at the head of the crowd to be photographed 'leading the march'.

Marchers should not make their own markings, although these rules are not fully enforced by marshals. Most of the demonstrators carrying pre-made signs, available in piles at the Washington Monument. The UAW provides thousands of signs which, inter alia, are read: "There is no Shelter House on the Path to Freedom," "Equal Rights and Employment NOW," "UAW Supports March Freedom," "in Freedom we are Born, in Freedom we Have to Live, "and" Before we become slaves, we will be buried in our graves. "

About 50 members of the Nazi Party of America protested in retaliation and were quickly disbanded by police. The rest of Washington was quiet during March. Most workers who do not participate live at home. Prison allowed inmates to watch March on TV.

Peter, Paul and Mary Perform at the March on Washington for Jobs ...

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Speaker

Representatives from each sponsoring organization spoke to the crowd from the podium at the Lincoln Memorial. Speakers (nicknamed "The Big Ten") include The Big Six; three religious leaders (Catholic, Protestant, and Jew); and Walter Reuther's labor leader. None of the official speeches by women; Josephine Baker gave a speech during the early offerings, but the presence of women in the official program was limited to "rewards" led by Bayard Rustin, in which Daisy Bates spoke (see "ostracized speakers" below.)

Floyd McKissick read James Farmer's speech because Farmer had been arrested during a protest in Louisiana; Farmers have written that the protests will not stop "until the dogs stop biting us in the South and the rats stop biting us in the North."

The actual sequence of speakers is as follows: 1. A. Philip Randolph - Director of March, 2. Walter Reuther - UAW, AFL-CIO, 3. Roy Wilkins - NAACP, 4. John Lewis - SNCC, 5. Daisy Bates - Little Rock , Arkansas, 6. Dr. Eugene Carson Blake - United Presbyterian Church and National Council of Churches, 7. Floyd McKissick-CORE, 8. Whitney Young - National Urban League, 9. Some smaller speeches, including Rabbi Joachim Prinz - Jewish American Congress, Mathew Ahmann - Conference Catholic National, Josephine Baker - actress, and 10. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. - SCLC. Then a closing remark by A. Philip Randolph and Bayard Rustin, Organizers of March, leads with The Pledge and a list of demands.

Official program

Marian Anderson is scheduled to lead the Anthem but can not arrive on time; Camilla Williams appeared in her place. After a prayer by Archbishop Patrick O'Boyle, the opening remarks were given by director march A. Philip Randolph, followed by Eugene Carson Blake. A tribute to the "Negro Woman Fighters for Freedom" was then led by Bayard Rustin, where Daisy Bates spoke briefly at the site of Myrlie Evers, who had missed his flight. The tribute introduced Daisy Bates, Diane Nash, Prince E. Lee, Rosa Parks, and Gloria Richardson. The following speakers were SNCC chairman John Lewis, Walter Reuther's labor leader and chairman INTI Floyd McKissick (replacing CORE director James Farmer who was arrested). Eva Jessye Choir then sang, and Rabbi Uri Miller (president of the Synagogue Council of America) offered a prayer, followed by National Urban League director Whitney Young, director of NCCIJ Mathew Ahmann, and NAACP leader Roy Wilkins. After the show by singer Mahalia Jackson, President of the American Jewish Congress Joachim Prinz spoke, followed by SCLC president Martin Luther King Jr. Rustin then reads the marines' official demands for mass approval, and Randolph leads the crowd in a promise to continue working for the purpose of the parade. The program concludes with a prayer of blessing by the president of Morehouse College Benjamin Mays.

Although one of the official purposes of the march was to support the civil rights bill introduced by the Kennedy Administration, some speakers criticized the proposed law as insufficient. Two government agencies stand in a position to cut power to the microphone if necessary.

Roy Wilkins

Roy Wilkins announced that W. E. B. Du Bois had died in Ghana the night before; the crowd watched the moment of silence in his memory. Wilkins initially refused to announce the news because he hated Du Bois as a Communist - but then insisted on making an announcement when he realized that Randolph would succeed if he did not. Wilkins said: "Despite the fact that in his later years Dr. Du Bois chose another way, it is undeniable that in the early 20th century he was a voice calling you to gather here today in this purpose. read something that goes back to 1963 and gets the volume of The Souls of Black Folk by Du Bois, published in 1903. "

John Lewis

John Lewis of SNCC is the youngest speaker at the event. His speech - which a number of SNCC activists have helped write - made the Administration for duty because of how little has been done to protect the southern blacks and civil rights workers were attacked in Deep South. Removed from his original speech at the urging of a more conservative and pro-Kennedy leader was a phrase like:

With a good conscience, we can not support wholeheartedly the civil rights law of the government, because it is too little and too late....
I wonder what side the federal government is?
The revolution was serious. Kennedy is trying to get the revolution out of the street and put it in court. Listen, Mr. Kennedy. Listen, Mr. Congressman. Listen, fellow citizens. Black mobs are lining up for work and freedom, and we have to tell politicians that there will be no "cold" period.
... We will march through the South, through Dixie's heart, as Sherman did. We will pursue our own scorched earth policy and burn Jim Crow to the ground - without violence...

Lewis's speech was shared with his fellow organizers that night before the parade, gathering opposition from Reuther, O'Boye, and others who considered it too divisive and militant. O'Boyle strongly objected to some of the speeches calling for immediate action and denying "patience." The government and moderate organizers were unable to approve Lewis's explicit opposition to Kennedy's civil rights bill. That night, O'Boyle and other members of the Catholic delegation began preparing a statement announcing their withdrawal from March. Reuther convinces them to wait and summon Rustin; Rustin told Lewis on 2 A.M. on the day of the parade his speech was unacceptable to members of the coalition. (Rustin also reportedly contacted Tom Kahn, mistakenly believing that Kahn had edited a speech and inserted a sentence about Marching Sherman into the Sea.Rustin asked, "How can you do this? Do you know what Sherman did ? ) But Lewis did not want to change the speech, other SNCC members, including Stokely Carmichael, also insisted that the speech was not censored.The dispute continued for several minutes before the talks were scheduled to begin.Under threats of public criticism by religious leaders, and under pressure from the rest of the coalition , Lewis agreed to eliminate the 'inflammatory' section.Many activists from SNCC, INTI and even SCLC were angry at what they deemed censorship of his speech.In the end, Lewis added that eligible support from Kennedy's civil rights law, said: "It is true that we support the Civil Rights Bill of the government. But we support it very well. "Even after minimizing his speech, Lewis called on activists to" enter and live in the streets of every town, every village and village of this nation until true freedom comes. " Martin Luther King Jr.

The speech given by SCLC King's president, who was the last speaker, was known as the "I Have a Dream" speech, which was broadcast live by the TV station and was then considered the most memorable moment of the parade. In it, the King called for an end to racism in the United States. This calls for the Declaration of Independence, the Emancipation Proclamation, and the Constitution of the United States. At the end of the speech, Mahalia Jackson shouted from the crowd, "Tell him about his dream, Martin!", And the King departs from the text prepared for the reflection of some improvisations with the theme "I have a dream". Over time has been hailed as a work of rhetoric, added to the National Recording Registry and immortalized by the National Park Service with writing in the place where the King stands to deliver a speech.

Randolph and Rustin

A. Philip Randolph spoke first, promising: "we will return again and again to Washington in increasing numbers until total freedom is ours." Randolph also closed the show along with Bayard Rustin. Rustin followed King's speech slowly reading the list of demands. Both concluded by inviting the audience to take various actions to support the struggle.